Opinion What will it take to bring both sides of the country together?

A third party candidate.

Right now it is us vs. them. Right vs. Wrong. Bad guy vs. good guy.

We need a true third party to shake things up. Or someone that rises outside of the party system, that has his feet in both camps.

The Libertarian Party could rescue things.

A candidate like RFK would be good.
 
Most people are not 100 percent liberal or 100 percent conservative. Look for common ground issues.
 
Nah, we're just being sold the fear that it is. Majorities of Americans are capable of agreeing on a lot. When you have politicians trying to undermine that agreement or outright ignore it, they begin so by seeing divide and using inflammatory rhetoric. When that doesnt work they change the rules. Then when that doesnt work, either they start merely ignoring the will of the people. See: Ohio

When’s the last time you saw America in a similar situation?
 
When’s the last time you saw America in a similar situation?

America has been in worse situations. Depression. Civil War. The News is designed to convince you the sky is falling (only NOT because of the climate). The original White House was f*ckin burned down. Our insurrection was arguably the most limp-wristed attempt at a coup ever. Not that it shouldnt have been taken seriously, but it sucked.
 
The rise of a centrist party might do good. Not easy to do when both existing parties are so entrenched and supported financially.
 
America has been in worse situations. Depression. Civil War. The News is designed to convince you the sky is falling (only NOT because of the climate). The original White House was f*ckin burned down. Our insurrection was arguably the most limp-wristed attempt at a coup ever. Not that it shouldnt have been taken seriously, but it sucked.
I was referring to since my birth. Half a century. Has the country in the last 50 years been more divided than it is now? I would say no.
 
Money out of politics
Destruction of news media and social media
News media being held accountable for equal airtime of opposing sides
Fixing money

Really any of those things.

Once we couldn’t agree on what a man or woman was we were fucked.
 
I was referring to since my birth. Half a century. Has the country in the last 50 years been more divided than it is now? I would say no.

Why do you need to use that as a qualifier? Every single generation believes they're living in "the worst of times." Convincing people of that is just a method of breeding reactionaries who are more paranoid about their neighbors and who may become their neighbors rather than who is trying to scare the sh*t out of them
 
The US could learn a lot from the relationship between Scalia and RBG. They had vehement fiery debates as SCOTUS justices, but great respect for each other and a very healthy friendship. And there is nothing I like about Scalia. Ginsburg was able to temper some of his perspectives from what I've read of them

the left don't believe in debates or discourse, they're all about shutting down conversation and censorship because debates and facts are just weapons "the privileged" use to maintain their power over the "oppressed". radical shitlibs call it "privilege-sustaining pushback".

Tracking Privilege-Preserving Epistemic Pushback in Feminist and Critical Race Philosophy Classes​



Abstract​


Classrooms are unlevel knowing fields, contested terrains where knowledge and ignorance are produced and circulate with equal vigor, and where members of dominant groups are accustomed to having an epistemic home-terrain advantage. My project focuses on one form of resistance that regularly surfaces in discussions with social-justice content. Privilege-preserving epistemic pushback is a variety of willful ignorance that many members of dominant groups engage in when asked to consider both the lived and structural injustices that members of marginalized groups experience daily. I argue that this dominant form of resistance is neither an expression of skepticism nor a critical-thinking practice. I suggest that standard philosophical engagements with these expressions of resistance are incapable of tracking the harms of privilege-preserving epistemic pushback. I recommend treating this pushback as a “shadow text,” that is, as a text that runs alongside the readings in ways that offer no epistemic friction. I offer this as one critical philosophical practice for making students mindful of the ways they contribute to the circulation of ignorance and epistemic violence during the course of their discussions.




Social Justice Usage​

Source: Bailey, Alison. “Tracking Privilege-Preserving Epistemic Pushback in Feminist and Critical Race Philosophy Classes,” Hypatia 32(4): 876–892, p. 879, bold added.


Epistemic home terrains must be constantly and vigilantly guarded and defended. Broadly speaking, privilege-preserving epistemic pushback is a form of worldview protection: a willful resistance to knowing that occurs predictably in discussions that threaten a social group’s epistemic home terrain. Defending that terrain is one way for dominant groups to resist “new material that deeply unsettles the paradigms through which they make sense of the world. When ideologies like the myth of meritocracy or their sense of who they are as a person, are deeply unsettled, students will often fall back on various defense mechanisms to try to maintain order” (Case and Cole 2013, in Berila 2016, 95). In practice, privilege-preserving epistemic pushback is a family of cognitive, affective, nonverbal, and discursive tactics that are used habitually to avoid engaging ideas that threaten us. This resistance, as José Medina argues, offers a form of “cognitive self-protection” (Medina 2013, 5). When our sense of self, group identity, core beliefs, and privileged place in the social order is challenged, we adopt defensive postures to resist what we perceive to be destabilizing. Protecting our epistemic terrain requires that we put up barriers made of opinions and prejudices, which are fortified by anger, shame, guilt, indifference, arrogance, jealously, pride, and sometimes silence. These feelings sit in our bodies: our hearts beat faster, our muscles tighten, we scowl, and our minds chatter. Sometimes we shut down completely.





Source: Bailey, Alison. “Tracking Privilege-Preserving Epistemic Pushback in Feminist and Critical Race Philosophy Classes,” Hypatia 32(4): 876–892, p. 881.



New Discourses Commentary​


Social Justice doesn’t allow itself to be contradicted or even disagreed with. In order to ensure that it is never possible for Theory to be wrong, it has filled itself with concepts like privilege-preserving epistemic pushback to cast any potential disagreement in a cynical light, as though it is the product of some kind of specialized ignorance (like various kinds of false consciousness or internalized dominance), inability to tolerate being wrong, or a kind of privilege-rooted depravity, in which privilege intrinsically begets a want to maintain, legitimize, justify, and even increase one’s privilege (see also, active ignorance, pernicious ignorance, willful ignorance, shadow text, racial contract, white ignorance, colortalk, and white fragility).


As a species in this menagerie of mind-reading defeater-defeaters, privilege-preserving epistemic pushback claims that when people in dominant groups have their privileged status revealed to them or challenged or are asked to consider the perspectives, lived experiences, ways of knowing, or knowledge(s) of marginalized or oppressed groups (see also, epistemic injustice and epistemic oppression), they react in ways—not necessarily intentionally—that seek to preserve their privilege, largely by attempting to willfully avoid engagement with the material (see also, epistemic friction, racial stress, and racial stamina). This should allow them to avoid confronting their privilege and thus maintain their privileged comfort (see also, white comfort and antiracism). It is also explicitly theorized to do a type of “epistemic violence” to members of oppressed groups.


The purpose of the concept, like the others in the genus, is to always have ready to hand a variety of concepts that can be deployed to shut down any opposition to Theory. Because motivations and intentions are not provable—or more importantly, disprovable—opposition to the Theory of Social Justice can easily be cast as the result of selfish motives rather than the kind of response one might give after clearly understanding the concept at hand. This can even happen without the person realizing it (see also, implicit bias) as a result of having “internalized” dominance or merely having become comfortable in it.


Because of concepts like privilege-preserving epistemic pushback, it can be effectively impossible to argue against, disagree with, or ignore Social Justice moralizing without being accused of suffering some cognitive or moral deficiency that prevents one from being honest about having understood it. That is, within Social Justice, understanding the concepts imply accepting them (thus, failing to accept them implies failure to understand them properly). This seems unlikely to be an accurate understanding of a real concept within ostensibly serious academic philosophy, but it is standard within the critical methods that follow from what was ultimately a forced marriage of Marxian analysis and Freudian psychoanalysis (see also, critical theory).


Ultimately, this concept and ones like it are predictable results of a Theoretical construct that view the world entirely in terms of systemic power dynamics that aren’t perfectly “just,” especially when power is understood in postmodern (specifically, Foucauldian) terms. Under such a view, it is impossible for dominant groups to fully understand the effects of marginalization, oppression, or even their own privilege (see also, positionality and standpoint epistemology), and so it is extremely likely that any explanation of these offered to them would result in a failure to understand. Because this view of power contains the axiom that power always seeks to justify itself, concepts like privilege-preserving epistemic pushback are a natural consequence of the broken Theory underneath them.
 
Money separated from politics, particularly corporate interests separated (lul)
Rank Choice Voting (lul - well, might be possible if done from the ground up)
Less corporate everything, really. (lul) Less capitalism, though a lot of people will disagree, I bet most solutions are social in nature, though many don't want to admit that or are so jaded by the government (which is fair) that they think one can't function for the people, unfortunately leading the into the open arms of corporations/corporate propaganda
People thinking thoughts and not reciting talking points (lul), not that talking points are always bad, but generally
Any steps toward a more direct democracy, as direct as possible and practical. People get shit done with ballot initiatives, as an example

The US is fractured on purpose. It was built into the DNA of this country, this divide isn't new, our citizens killed shit loads of each other in a brutal war. We need Crispr for this shit

Probably other stuff. Generally, our individualism is harming us and we're being divided by powerful interests but a lot of people don't see the strings and get caught up in the partisan divide.
 
the left don't believe in debates or discourse, they're all about shutting down conversation and censorship because debates and facts are just weapons "the privileged" use to maintain their power over the "oppressed". radical shitlibs call it "privilege-sustaining pushback".

Tracking Privilege-Preserving Epistemic Pushback in Feminist and Critical Race Philosophy Classes​



Abstract​


Classrooms are unlevel knowing fields, contested terrains where knowledge and ignorance are produced and circulate with equal vigor, and where members of dominant groups are accustomed to having an epistemic home-terrain advantage. My project focuses on one form of resistance that regularly surfaces in discussions with social-justice content. Privilege-preserving epistemic pushback is a variety of willful ignorance that many members of dominant groups engage in when asked to consider both the lived and structural injustices that members of marginalized groups experience daily. I argue that this dominant form of resistance is neither an expression of skepticism nor a critical-thinking practice. I suggest that standard philosophical engagements with these expressions of resistance are incapable of tracking the harms of privilege-preserving epistemic pushback. I recommend treating this pushback as a “shadow text,” that is, as a text that runs alongside the readings in ways that offer no epistemic friction. I offer this as one critical philosophical practice for making students mindful of the ways they contribute to the circulation of ignorance and epistemic violence during the course of their discussions.




Social Justice Usage​

Source: Bailey, Alison. “Tracking Privilege-Preserving Epistemic Pushback in Feminist and Critical Race Philosophy Classes,” Hypatia 32(4): 876–892, p. 879, bold added.


Epistemic home terrains must be constantly and vigilantly guarded and defended. Broadly speaking, privilege-preserving epistemic pushback is a form of worldview protection: a willful resistance to knowing that occurs predictably in discussions that threaten a social group’s epistemic home terrain. Defending that terrain is one way for dominant groups to resist “new material that deeply unsettles the paradigms through which they make sense of the world. When ideologies like the myth of meritocracy or their sense of who they are as a person, are deeply unsettled, students will often fall back on various defense mechanisms to try to maintain order” (Case and Cole 2013, in Berila 2016, 95). In practice, privilege-preserving epistemic pushback is a family of cognitive, affective, nonverbal, and discursive tactics that are used habitually to avoid engaging ideas that threaten us. This resistance, as José Medina argues, offers a form of “cognitive self-protection” (Medina 2013, 5). When our sense of self, group identity, core beliefs, and privileged place in the social order is challenged, we adopt defensive postures to resist what we perceive to be destabilizing. Protecting our epistemic terrain requires that we put up barriers made of opinions and prejudices, which are fortified by anger, shame, guilt, indifference, arrogance, jealously, pride, and sometimes silence. These feelings sit in our bodies: our hearts beat faster, our muscles tighten, we scowl, and our minds chatter. Sometimes we shut down completely.





Source: Bailey, Alison. “Tracking Privilege-Preserving Epistemic Pushback in Feminist and Critical Race Philosophy Classes,” Hypatia 32(4): 876–892, p. 881.



New Discourses Commentary​


Social Justice doesn’t allow itself to be contradicted or even disagreed with. In order to ensure that it is never possible for Theory to be wrong, it has filled itself with concepts like privilege-preserving epistemic pushback to cast any potential disagreement in a cynical light, as though it is the product of some kind of specialized ignorance (like various kinds of false consciousness or internalized dominance), inability to tolerate being wrong, or a kind of privilege-rooted depravity, in which privilege intrinsically begets a want to maintain, legitimize, justify, and even increase one’s privilege (see also, active ignorance, pernicious ignorance, willful ignorance, shadow text, racial contract, white ignorance, colortalk, and white fragility).


As a species in this menagerie of mind-reading defeater-defeaters, privilege-preserving epistemic pushback claims that when people in dominant groups have their privileged status revealed to them or challenged or are asked to consider the perspectives, lived experiences, ways of knowing, or knowledge(s) of marginalized or oppressed groups (see also, epistemic injustice and epistemic oppression), they react in ways—not necessarily intentionally—that seek to preserve their privilege, largely by attempting to willfully avoid engagement with the material (see also, epistemic friction, racial stress, and racial stamina). This should allow them to avoid confronting their privilege and thus maintain their privileged comfort (see also, white comfort and antiracism). It is also explicitly theorized to do a type of “epistemic violence” to members of oppressed groups.


The purpose of the concept, like the others in the genus, is to always have ready to hand a variety of concepts that can be deployed to shut down any opposition to Theory. Because motivations and intentions are not provable—or more importantly, disprovable—opposition to the Theory of Social Justice can easily be cast as the result of selfish motives rather than the kind of response one might give after clearly understanding the concept at hand. This can even happen without the person realizing it (see also, implicit bias) as a result of having “internalized” dominance or merely having become comfortable in it.


Because of concepts like privilege-preserving epistemic pushback, it can be effectively impossible to argue against, disagree with, or ignore Social Justice moralizing without being accused of suffering some cognitive or moral deficiency that prevents one from being honest about having understood it. That is, within Social Justice, understanding the concepts imply accepting them (thus, failing to accept them implies failure to understand them properly). This seems unlikely to be an accurate understanding of a real concept within ostensibly serious academic philosophy, but it is standard within the critical methods that follow from what was ultimately a forced marriage of Marxian analysis and Freudian psychoanalysis (see also, critical theory).


Ultimately, this concept and ones like it are predictable results of a Theoretical construct that view the world entirely in terms of systemic power dynamics that aren’t perfectly “just,” especially when power is understood in postmodern (specifically, Foucauldian) terms. Under such a view, it is impossible for dominant groups to fully understand the effects of marginalization, oppression, or even their own privilege (see also, positionality and standpoint epistemology), and so it is extremely likely that any explanation of these offered to them would result in a failure to understand. Because this view of power contains the axiom that power always seeks to justify itself, concepts like privilege-preserving epistemic pushback are a natural consequence of the broken Theory underneath them.

You've been shredded enough in debates around here to know better than to contend that anyone left of you is afraid to engage. In fact, I'd wager you are still here because that entire contention is nonsense and forums that are merely right wing circle-jerks are boring.
 
@Sinister you laugh but that's exactly the left. when was the last time you saw a leftist "scholar" (lol) being open to having their viewpoints picked apart in a debate? never. left don't debate, just censor and smear.

"we don't debate nazis"
"you just wanna maintain your privilege"
 
In fact, I'd wager you are still here because that entire contention is nonsense and forums that are merely right wing circle-jerks are boring.

i'm talking outside the forum. activists, scholars, etc..

although smearing is pretty common on the forum too, which is fine since we're not having preplanned debates on sherdog like they would on podcasts or big debate stages.
 
I don't think a unified, united country is neccessarily a good thing. Last time America was united in a common cause, a million people died in the middle east.

That's the scary part. It gave the administration cart blanche to do whatever they wanted unrestrained and it ended in disaster.
 
You've been shredded enough in debates around here to know better than to contend that anyone left of you is afraid to engage.

shredded how? like the times we're told "you don't know what marxism is". those times? lol
 
Why do you need to use that as a qualifier? Every single generation believes they're living in "the worst of times." Convincing people of that is just a method of breeding reactionaries who are more paranoid about their neighbors and who may become their neighbors rather than who is trying to scare the sh*t out of them
The thought/question is simple. Has the country been in a worse position since you have been alive?

Yes or no?
 
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